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By Sunday, March 20, I had been in Haiti for about a week, working at the Friends of the Children of Haiti (FOTCOH) clinic in Cyvadier, Haiti. I had worked four days of ten hours and one day of five hours. I had cared for about 250 patients. Like the rest of the staff, I needed a break.
FOTCOH has had a clinic building in Cyvadier since the late 1990’s, and groups of medical personnel have come for two weeks at a time since then. The clinics follow a set routine, optimized over years of experience. Part of the routine involves a day off on the Sunday of the clinic. Generally, the groups drive to a beautiful sandy beach, taken directly off a postcard, and have a lunch of fresh fish prepared by local fishermen and cooks. The beach lies ten miles or so from the FOTCOH building.
On the Sunday I spent in Haiti, however, no beach excursion occurred. Haiti had its general and presidential election on that date. Dick Hammond, the head of FOTCOH, decided that leaving the compound provided too much risk, as we would have to pass several polling places to get to the beach. Haiti’s history provides much of the background for understanding the mood of election day in Haiti.
Christopher Columbus landed in Haiti in 1492. The French and Spanish bickered over who controlled the island of Hispaniola for the next two hundred years until a treaty in 1697 divided the island in half. The eastern half became the Spanish-controlled Dominican Republic. The western half became the French-controlled Haiti. The French imported slaves from Africa and exploited slave and indigenous labor for gold, tobacco, and sugar cane.
In the early 1790’s, all signs pointed toward an imminent civil war in Haiti. A well-organized slave revolt, led by Touissant Louverture, began in the north and aimed to rid the country of the French. France and Britain fought a war at the time, however, and the British invaded Haiti. The rebel and loyalist forces joined together and succeeded in pushing the British out by 1798. By this time, Louverture, a former slave, emerged as the leader of Haiti and had switched his loyalties to join the French when they banned slavery.
In 1802, however, the French had become wary of the power yielded by Louverture and his Haitian allies and sent an invading force to Haiti, intent on solidifying power and re-establishing slavery. Most of the French army died of yellow fever or malaria, and the little of the army left succumbed to the Haitians at the battle of Vertieres in November 1803. On January 1, 1804, Haiti declared its independence. Of note, Louverture had died in a prison in France in April 1803 after an ally betrayed him.
The French responded to Haitian independence by imposing a crippling embargo on the country, not lifted until 1825 when Haiti agreed to pay France 150 million francs. Haiti finally paid off this debt in 1947, but the economic effect crippled the infant country beyond recovery.
From 1804 through 1867, Haiti had a series of self-proclaimed emperors, numerous coups, and several revolutions. The country finally established a constitution in 1867, sixty-three years after the country came to exist; if the U.S. had gone this long, we would not have had a constitution until 1837. From 1867 through 1911, Haiti had relative stability.
In 1911, though, everything came crashing down. Another revolution occurred. In the next five years, six different presidents would rule, each ousted by overthrow or assassination. Haiti defaulted on debts to American banks and in 1915 the American military occupied Haiti. In 1917 the Haitian National Assembly (i.e. their Congress) refused to pass some American-written laws and the military dissolved the Assembly.
The military did greatly improve Haiti’s infrastructure, public health, and education, and Haiti made some gains in the 1920’s towards having a functioning agriculturally-based economy, but the Great Depression wiped out nearly all of this progress. The U.S. military left Haiti in 1934, but the U.S. maintained control of Haiti’s finances until 1947.
Several coups ensued until the elections of 1957 saw the rise of Dr. Francois Duvalier, also known as “Papa Doc.” In 1964 Duvalier proclaimed himself President for Life. In brief, Papa Doc was a notorious dictator. His secret police, the Tonton Macoutes, terrorized the population, killing as many as 30,000 Haitians over the course of his reign. The country’s educated people fled the country in droves and Haiti plunged into poverty.
Papa Doc died in 1971 and his 19-year-old son, Jean-Claude Duvalier became President. Baby Doc did little to govern the country, lived like a playboy, and defrauded the Haitian treasury of millions. His mother, Simone, served as the de facto president during much of this time.
In my mind, modern Haitian history begins in 1983. Pope John Paul II visiting Haiti and took note of the endemic poverty and governmental corruption. While on the airport tarmac, he said, in Kreyol, “Fok sa chanj!” “Things must change here!” Discontent among the populace grew, and Baby Doc fled the country in 1986.
After another series of coups and disorder, the populace elected the Catholic priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide president in 1990. A coup d’etat ousted him in 1991. The leaders of the coup ruled Haiti and dabbled in drug trafficking until 1994. They stepped down when the U.S., with the support of the United Nations, threatened to invade Haiti and forcibly remove them.
In 1995 Rene Preval was elected president and took office in 1996. This marked the first time in Haiti’s history that one elected president peacefully passed power off to another elected president. Aristide won the presidency again in 2000.
While Aristide’s first presidency gave hope that Haitian democracy could succeed, the second presidency came crashing down. Multiple allegations (none of which have been proven) arose of drug trafficking and money laundering against the Aristide administration. In 2004 U.S. diplomats escorted Aristide out of the country into exile. The United Nations (mostly Brazilian troops) occupied Haiti after Aristide left, fearing instability. Those troops remain in Haiti today and are ubiquitous there.
When Aristide left, the supreme court’s head judge became the president and ruled until the next election in 2006, at which time Rene Preval won a second term. Currently, Preval still holds the presidency of Haiti, and will until the results of the election are announced, which will likely happen by the time this story appears in the newspaper.
During the primary election several months before my arrival in Haiti, violence ruled the day, with several near-riots. Haitians have developed a deep mistrust for their government, and I can’t blame them. On election day this time, though, hope reigned. Everyone with whom I spoke expressed the hope that the new president, whomever it may be, will act in the interest of the Haitian people, the poorest people in the Western Hemisphere. I saw none of the violence that marred the previous election.
Haiti has suffered through 32 military coups (you read that correctly – 32), multiple oppressive dictators, and several foreign occupations. Haiti still has multiple obstacles, but I know that an election in which power peacefully transfers from one president to another signifies progress. Progress, woefully lacking in Haiti’s history, is all anyone can ask for.
By Sunday, March 20, I had been in Haiti for about a week, working at the Friends of the Children of Haiti (FOTCOH) clinic in Cyvadier, Haiti. I had worked four days of ten hours and one day of five hours. I had cared for about 250 patients. Like the rest of the staff, I needed a break.
FOTCOH has had a clinic building in Cyvadier since the late 1990’s, and groups of medical personnel have come for two weeks at a time since then. The clinics follow a set routine, optimized over years of experience. Part of the routine involves a day off on the Sunday of the clinic. Generally, the groups drive to a beautiful sandy beach, taken directly off a postcard, and have a lunch of fresh fish prepared by local fishermen and cooks. The beach lies ten miles or so from the FOTCOH building.
On the Sunday I spent in Haiti, however, no beach excursion occurred. Haiti had its general and presidential election on that date. Dick Hammond, the head of FOTCOH, decided that leaving the compound provided too much risk, as we would have to pass several polling places to get to the beach. Haiti’s history provides much of the background for understanding the mood of election day in Haiti.
Christopher Columbus landed in Haiti in 1492. The French and Spanish bickered over who controlled the island of Hispaniola for the next two hundred years until a treaty in 1697 divided the island in half. The eastern half became the Spanish-controlled Dominican Republic. The western half became the French-controlled Haiti. The French imported slaves from Africa and exploited slave and indigenous labor for gold, tobacco, and sugar cane.
In the early 1790’s, all signs pointed toward an imminent civil war in Haiti. A well-organized slave revolt, led by Touissant Louverture, began in the north and aimed to rid the country of the French. France and Britain fought a war at the time, however, and the British invaded Haiti. The rebel and loyalist forces joined together and succeeded in pushing the British out by 1798. By this time, Louverture, a former slave, emerged as the leader of Haiti and had switched his loyalties to join the French when they banned slavery.
In 1802, however, the French had become wary of the power yielded by Louverture and his Haitian allies and sent an invading force to Haiti, intent on solidifying power and re-establishing slavery. Most of the French army died of yellow fever or malaria, and the little of the army left succumbed to the Haitians at the battle of Vertieres in November 1803. On January 1, 1804, Haiti declared its independence. Of note, Louverture had died in a prison in France in April 1803 after an ally betrayed him.
The French responded to Haitian independence by imposing a crippling embargo on the country, not lifted until 1825 when Haiti agreed to pay France 150 million francs. Haiti finally paid off this debt in 1947, but the economic effect crippled the infant country beyond recovery.
From 1804 through 1867, Haiti had a series of self-proclaimed emperors, numerous coups, and several revolutions. The country finally established a constitution in 1867, sixty-three years after the country came to exist; if the U.S. had gone this long, we would not have had a constitution until 1837. From 1867 through 1911, Haiti had relative stability.
In 1911, though, everything came crashing down. Another revolution occurred. In the next five years, six different presidents would rule, each ousted by overthrow or assassination. Haiti defaulted on debts to American banks and in 1915 the American military occupied Haiti. In 1917 the Haitian National Assembly (i.e. their Congress) refused to pass some American-written laws and the military dissolved the Assembly.
The military did greatly improve Haiti’s infrastructure, public health, and education, and Haiti made some gains in the 1920’s towards having a functioning agriculturally-based economy, but the Great Depression wiped out nearly all of this progress. The U.S. military left Haiti in 1934, but the U.S. maintained control of Haiti’s finances until 1947.
Several coups ensued until the elections of 1957 saw the rise of Dr. Francois Duvalier, also known as “Papa Doc.” In 1964 Duvalier proclaimed himself President for Life. In brief, Papa Doc was a notorious dictator. His secret police, the Tonton Macoutes, terrorized the population, killing as many as 30,000 Haitians over the course of his reign. The country’s educated people fled the country in droves and Haiti plunged into poverty.
Papa Doc died in 1971 and his 19-year-old son, Jean-Claude Duvalier became President. Baby Doc did little to govern the country, lived like a playboy, and defrauded the Haitian treasury of millions. His mother, Simone, served as the de facto president during much of this time.
In my mind, modern Haitian history begins in 1983. Pope John Paul II visiting Haiti and took note of the endemic poverty and governmental corruption. While on the airport tarmac, he said, in Kreyol, “Fok sa chanj!” “Things must change here!” Discontent among the populace grew, and Baby Doc fled the country in 1986.
After another series of coups and disorder, the populace elected the Catholic priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide president in 1990. A coup d’etat ousted him in 1991. The leaders of the coup ruled Haiti and dabbled in drug trafficking until 1994. They stepped down when the U.S., with the support of the United Nations, threatened to invade Haiti and forcibly remove them.
In 1995 Rene Preval was elected president and took office in 1996. This marked the first time in Haiti’s history that one elected president peacefully passed power off to another elected president. Aristide won the presidency again in 2000.
While Aristide’s first presidency gave hope that Haitian democracy could succeed, the second presidency came crashing down. Multiple allegations (none of which have been proven) arose of drug trafficking and money laundering against the Aristide administration. In 2004 U.S. diplomats escorted Aristide out of the country into exile. The United Nations (mostly Brazilian troops) occupied Haiti after Aristide left, fearing instability. Those troops remain in Haiti today and are ubiquitous there.
When Aristide left, the supreme court’s head judge became the president and ruled until the next election in 2006, at which time Rene Preval won a second term. Currently, Preval still holds the presidency of Haiti, and will until the results of the election are announced, which will likely happen by the time this story appears in the newspaper.
During the primary election several months before my arrival in Haiti, violence ruled the day, with several near-riots. Haitians have developed a deep mistrust for their government, and I can’t blame them. On election day this time, though, hope reigned. Everyone with whom I spoke expressed the hope that the new president, whomever it may be, will act in the interest of the Haitian people, the poorest people in the Western Hemisphere. I saw none of the violence that marred the previous election.
Haiti has suffered through 32 military coups (you read that correctly – 32), multiple oppressive dictators, and several foreign occupations. Haiti still has multiple obstacles, but I know that an election in which power peacefully transfers from one president to another signifies progress. Progress, woefully lacking in Haiti’s history, is all anyone can ask for.
